FelicityR, on 2020-April-14, 01:59, said:
As we all have, I have had plenty of time to think over this coronavirus pandemic, and whilst many people have, and in some cases surprisingly, shown their altruistic sides, it seems (to me) that the whole world seems so geared to the economy, or perhaps more accurately, an individual country's economy, that beyond the medical and ethical questions raised by this pandemic, we should also be asking why the world cannot work together so that an economy, any economy, is not disadvantaged in any way?
In his
Reith Lectures (1974), Ralf Dahrendorf talks at length about the problem of organizing ourselves to prepare for the gigantic turbulences ahead.
He begins with this suggestion:
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the alternative to expansion is not stagnation. In fact, the new subject of history is not an alternative in the ordinary sense at all. In its substance, it is neither more of the same thing nor the opposite of it. It is different. The motive force of the political economy of liberty in the 1970s is no longer expansion, but what I shall call improvement, qualitative rather than quantitative development. While the life-chances of men remain the subject-matter of politics and thus of history, their growth must become a question of better rather than more.
and ends with
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One of the urgent needs of contemporary politics is to supplement, and correct, the pragmatism of the operators by awareness of medium-term perspectives. Somebody has to look beyond the rim of the saucer in which most politicians are huddled together, and tell
them what happens beyond their local or even national constituency, their term of elective office, their necessarily—and at times unnecessarily—restricted horizon.
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Boredom with international affairs is, in effect, boredom with survival, and men may, unfortunately, die because they were too bored to bother about their lives. Let us, by all means, make international organisations more responsible, more answerable, to elected bodies of whatever kind. Let us make sure, also, that the solution of problems is not left to the idiosyncrasies of personal diplomacy, but embodied in general rules. Let us realise that, in this field, we do not start from scratch, but have the experience of remarkable achievements by many organisations to use. But unless we do all this soon, we shall find ourselves in a war of all against all, in which nobody can win, and in which those will be the first to lose who continue to indulge in the luxury of sweet dreams about sovereignty and autarchy.
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Many of the steps in the right direction which I have proposed in this lecture are political steps. They have to be taken by governments, by those who elect them or by those with whom they share their sovereign power. This may sound promising, but the sound is deceptive. Paradoxically, the demand for political action grows as modern societies become more ungovernable, because power has slipped away from governments, let alone parliaments. The most important step in the direction of a viable liberal order today may therefore be the restoration of governability by the creation of a new political public. This involves several things. Parliament first, which is going to maintain its pivotal position, and to which all other developments must be geared. Then there is the immediate representation of the general public, by political organisations, possibly, by referenda or direct elections of officeholders perhaps, but, above all, by the media. Every time a broadcaster is fired because the governing body is displeased with his views, or a journalist is prevented from writing because he refuses to join a union, liberty has lost a battle. Every time a newspaper is forced to close down, or a broadcasting station is placed under government tutelage, liberty has lost a campaign. A media policy—that is, the establishment of legal rules and economic mechanisms to maintain a pluralist structure of published opinion—is not a notion which John Stuart Mill would have entertained gladly, but it is one which is necessary today in the light of his own concerns.
But the creation of a general public involves on thing above all, and that is the recognition of organisation. Confrontation with the mighty organisations of the day, whether they are intra- or international, is bound to lead to the defeat of national governments and parliaments. People are, in fact, both citizens, individual voters, and members, a part of larger organisations. However distasteful the idea may seem to the classical liberal, we need a second level of organised interest, which is both independent from, and related to, parliament. In this body, the social contract might find its organised expression; an Economic and Social Council, perhaps, which brings organisations into a structure of general responsibility and makes it, therefore, impossible to ignore them, and unnecessary to fight them. To be governable we have to organise organisation, as well as give the individual his chance.
The first test of our ability to cope will come soon, probably in the two years immediately ahead. The advanced societies, and especially the more liberal ones, are passing through a gigantic turbulence. It differs in impact on different countries, but everywhere it is a combination of factors. Prima facie, the turbulence is economic, that mixture of unfounded growth expectations called inflation, a changing international balance of power, and a general slump in activity. In the first place, the solutions will have to be economic, too: a comprehensive social contract committing all partners to a period of standstill, if not some cutback; international arrangements which re-establish stable expectations at a cost to national sovereignty. But let us not be misled into believing that we can afford to tackle this vast set of problems by itself, and ignore the purposes for which we seek more tranquil economic waters. Coping with the immediate issues is a necessary condition of survival, but no guarantee of survival in liberty; solving the economic problems ahead is a prerequisite -of justice, but in order to give it a liberal meaning we have to be sure not only that we solve them but how we solve them.
It is conceivable that the turbulence ahead will overtax the nerves of the crew, or the resilience of the equipment and that the ship in which we are travelling will break up and go down. Inability to cope in the years ahead means wars and mass starvation, the death of millions of people and the impoverishment of many more. There are those, already, who advise us to change our course by 180 degrees and try to escape the turbulence by a return to more familiar waters. They forget that it was the course set in these familiar waters which got us where we are today, quite apart from the fact that those waters, while familiar, were by no means undisturbed. If we try to return to allegedly good old values, and begin to abandon the social achievements of the last decades, full employment and educational opportunities, pensions and medical care and the rest, we shall have to start afresh in the early 1930s; and there are many who remember the horrible risks which that involves. It is more than likely that a number of people will get hurt before we leave the turbulence. But we can get through, and it is worth trying. The other aspect of our current problems is the enormous potential of human life- chances which the advanced societies have developed, and the opportunities, therefore, of a brighter future in the direction of which our halting steps of today and tomorrow lead us.
What matters most in this world is liberty: that is, human life-chances. They are threatened today by the consequences of our own actions; they are also capable of great new development. To meet the threat, and to realise the potential, we do not need a doctrine of salvation. We have the weapons we need: our minds. Reasoned analysis, imaginative designing, and an experimental approach to action, form a rational, or, at any rate, reasonable, triptych which has served men well. This is the method of liberty. Its substance is defined by the new conditions in which we live today. The new liberty means that we have to change our attitudes in order to pass through the turbulence ahead in a manner which enhances human life-chances. This is what I mean when I say that the subject of history is changing; and the change in approach is reflected in the words which we use—new words: improvement instead of expansion, good husbandry instead of affluence, human activity instead of work, and, of course, one word which is quite old, liberty.
If you lose all hope, you can always find it again -- Richard Ford in The Sportswriter